I’ve never given Glenn Greenwald the benefit of the doubt. His brand of self-righteousness used to rub me the wrong way. Well, that is until I realized his arguments are sound. I've also started to realize that his Salon column is a must-read for those looking for an honest broker of the various political debates. There’s a lot on which we disagree, but I respect his courage and fairness.
Why do I say courage? Well, among other things, he’s not afraid to systematically dismantle the tortured logic of many of his natural allies, be they Nobel-laureates or otherwise. And I say fair because he's someone who generally believes in the social benefits of government intervention into our lives, yet agitates with the best of them when government fails at that intervention. For example, he's recently argued that the warm relationship between Congress and Wall Street is the complete opposite of what capitalism entails; these bedfellows create an environment of crony capitalsim, rife with abuse and corruption.
All of which brings me to this great column, where he shows us just how dangerous well-intentioned interventions can be. His piece explores a proposal that advocates a covert government dissemination program, similar to the progoganda programs of the previous Bush administration. In a recent paper by the author, he suggests that undercover government agents should spread the official government line via the internet in order to tamp down on harmful “conspiracy theories.”
The first thought that comes to my mind? Creepy.
Here’s the story: Cass Sunstein, one of Obama's closest advisors, wants the administration to use something called “cognitive infiltration,” which, the author says, is “designed to introduce informational diversity into [extremist groups] and to expose indefensible conspiracy theories.” Translation: Sunstein proposes that government officials monitor and penetrate online “extremist” platforms – chat rooms, social networks, online forums, basically all of the internet – with the sole purpose of debunking so-called “conspiracy theories” with “corrective information” from the government.
I am not making this stuff up. Yikes.
I agree with Greenwald: this is a terrible idea. Greewald goes further and questions the very existence of this proposal. Why, he asks, was the paper's author put in charge of the Obama administration’s information technology policies? Moreover, when a top Obama advisor advocates covertly squashing free speech, why does it all of a sudden make for good public policy? Greenwald argues that when the Bush administration paid people to covertly spout the government line – think Armstrong Williams and Maggie Gallagher – they were shamefully exposed and the administration rightfully lambasted. What's different this time?
(By the way, Sunstein's paper does a grand job of defining “conspiracy theory” and “extremist” in a way that would have included all of our historical civil rights heroes, investigative journalists, anti-war protesters, and government watchdogs, just to name a few. Also, what in the world is an “indefensible conspiracy theory?” Does it differ from a “defensible” conspiracy theory? And who decides?)
Overall, Greenwald's piece belongs to the canon of must-reads. But be warned: the piece isn't perfect. He doesn't take his argument to its logical conclusion. That is, Greenwald neglects to use the word that encapsulates the kind of authoritarian behavior Sunstein advocates.
That word? Fascism.
Sunday assorted links
5 hours ago
Interesting stuff (and creepy, as you say). Another of the long line of reasons why I think it's healthy to be skeptical and a tinge fearful of government, however well intentioned it might be.
ReplyDeleteOne small point: I think he mischaracterizes the controversy that surrounded Ms. Gallagher. In her case, I think it was more the appearance on impropriety than it was actual impropriety.
VM, you lose points for two reasons:
ReplyDeleteFirst, the exceedingly unnecessary reference to fascism. You don't have to spend too much time in research -- maybe a quick Wikipedia visit will cure you -- to realize that the actual Fascist era was a much, much worse experience for its victims than anything George W. Bush or Obama did or may have done.
You're an economist, so think of it in terms of opportunity costs: every time you use 'fascism' in your critique -- as nearly all silly people do in our political discourse (I include Esquire here out of affection, not condescension), you lose a chance to actually make a salient point.
Secondly, Cass Sunstein wrote that paper in Jan. 2008, a full 11 months before President Obama was elected. It's misleading to suggest, as you do, that he made an actual policy proposal in the White House.
Just so I'm being perfectly clear: George W. Bush instituted a propaganda program; Cass Sunstein proposed one as an intellectual exercise as an academic before he entered into public service. Do you see the distinction?
If you don't -- that is, if you think our intellectuals should not voice seemingly radical opinions or politically risky thoughts, so much so that they should be shut down with cries of 'fascism' immediately -- then, well, I've got a brown shirt for you to try on.
(Two can play your stupid game.)
Sincerely,
B.
Berchmans: While I agree that nothing compares to the horrors of Fascism in that period (except the horrors perpetrated by communists), I again suggest that you are incorrect to only associate Fascism with those horrors. (That's by my entire argument actually: We should understand Fascism as a coherent ideology with various stages and forms (though all bad); not merely as a synonym for death and suffering).
ReplyDeleteTo do otherwise is to have a juvenile understanding of how the philosophy functioned.
I’ll make two comments in answer to your charges, Berchmans:
ReplyDeleteMy first point is simply a reiteration of Esquire’s main point – to suggest that Fascism should be viewed by its ends rather than its means is a failure to understand how authoritarian regimes evolve. Mussolini’s Italy didn’t just happen overnight.
Secondly, there’s an important point you miss entirely. You see, I took an opportunity to spend my intellectual capital ~praising~ Glenn Greenwald, a person with whom I ordinarily disagree. Unlike you, Greenwald has the courage to publically criticize the very people he’s spent his whole career trying to help.
But once again you take an opportunity to spend your intellectual capital ~protecting~ your political bedfellows, in spite of their obvious opprobrium and troubling authoritarian advances. Instead of digging deep and condemning really, really stupid ideas – “intellectual exercises,” I recall – you completely ignore the real issue.
So much the better. It’s much easier to view history through a naïve prism and attack the opposition as “silly” than to cast a critical light on the good guys.
(And a smaller point: the fact that Sunstein’s ideas were published a full 11 months before [and not after] his appointment should raise eyebrows. These policy proposals were public and known to the Obama administration while Sunstein was being vetted for his current position. I’m sorry, but that’s much worse.)
Yours,
VM
Esquire & VM:
ReplyDeleteI see fascism refuses to disappear from our conversation (though I'd much prefer to move on to economics, concrete policy proposals, statistics, and the like). I've explained before why I find the debate annoying: it seems like a series of intellectual finger-pointing, as if the two sides on the political spectrum want to throw around fascism and communism like a hot potato). Even more annoying, one side in this debate -- Esquire's, if we're naming names -- wants to lay the genesis of some of the most profound human tragedies on the left, which seems intellectually dishonest and unfair (I'll take the blame for Keith Olbermann, nothing more).
Secondly, it's annoying because it requires a tiresome philosophical variant of connecting the hip bone to the ribs (or however that song goes). Esquire may be uniquely suited to this, because, unlike me, he's actually read some of this stuff and perhaps even understands it.
So, somehow, rather than discussing the relative merits of "comparative research," or the single-payer option, we have to argue about whether or they contain the seeds of Mussolini or Hitler regimes. Conveniently enough, our fixation on that impossibly horrible period of time rarely goes into historical analysis -- we never talk, for instance, about the disputes between the German Communists and the Nazis and the Social Democratic Party, or the rampant unemployment and other difficult socioeconomic conditions of the time (to do so would imply that historical reality matters more than Abstract Ideas, which, ironically enough, is rather Hegelian).
Besides, it pains me that these discussions of fascism only arise when we talk about a particular Democratic or liberal project (or the Obama Administration), and never under any right-wing ones.
It's doubly infuriating to hear the American political system demeaned at every turn, as if the possibility of an authoritarian dictatorship lingers around the corner, especially from people who have acted as the self-righteous guardians of America's best bestness in the past (so much so that it would rather call President Wilson's presidency the first 'fascist' one, and not, say, the decades of previous race-conscious administrations that relied on slave labor to literally build our institutions in grueling conditions).
To summarize: please, let's move on. I beg you. Esquire read a book a year ago, and we haven't stopped talking about since. If you guys seriously think that the American Republic could turn into Mussolini's in the next few years, then you should be doing more than blogging about it. (Especially on this website.)
Now, to you, VM: I'll have to fully defend Cass Sunstein in a full post, rather than in a comment. But I don't understand this notion that Greenwald deserves a political courage award. The guy's basically a libertarian, and like many many left-wing types, he's disappointed the Obama Administration hasn't overturned more of George W. Bush's policies.
Or do I have that wrong?
I suspect our differences in caring about this stuff arise because you (I suspect) advocate the idea that ideology and "big ideas" are somehow irrelevant to actual policy matters.
ReplyDeleteI, on the other hand, think that first principles and ideology are essential and inseperable to the process of proper policy.
I'm reading a biography of John Adams right now and I take comfort in the fact that the founding fathers were on my side of that debate. In fact, I don't see any difference in our policy debates now and those back in the 18th century, in so far as great thought needs to be given to the the proper role of government (a philosophical idea) because of the precedent each government action creates.