Along the way, Cassidy does his best to remind his readers that the financial crisis is a priori proof of the failure of a free-market ideology, particularly the brand of economic thinking coming out of the Chicago School. (He goes so far as to label Eugene Fama a market “fundamentalist,” a familiar invective lobbed at those who express any hint of skepticism toward the healing powers of government.) Cassidy also suggests that one of the school’s brightest stars, Richard Posner, who recently “converted” to the John Maynard Keynes weltanschauung, should be the poster child for other free market economists. In other words, be warned: the Chicago School is losing its intellectual grip among serious thinkers and policy makers.
Who knew?
Well first of all, it makes no sense that Richard Posner’s putative conversion is even a story. He is, after all, a prominent judge and economist who studies and writes about the intersection between law and economics. And he’s done that really, really well his whole career. He is not – like Keynes was – a macroeconomist who studies interest rates, unemployment, or even money. That big difference should alarm sensible readers.
But who cares? For Cassidy and the editors at the New Yorker, Posner’s profile hits all the right marks: an economist! (doesn’t matter what kind) from the University of Chicago! (guilt by association) who converted! (it was a splendid ceremony). The editors must’ve been champing at the bit – this story is so compelling, it must be true!
Secondly, and most importantly, the part of Cassidy’s piece that’s most alarming concerns the Chicago School’s ostensible fall from policy making grace. Cassidy tells us that free market thinking was the paramount ideology governing policy making over the last couple decades, since at least the Reagan administration. And that ideology was part and parcel of the cause of the recent financial crisis.
Well, there’s an easy way to test this claim. Unfortunately, neither Cassidy nor his editors at the New Yorker bother to do so. Stanford University economist John Taylor, on the other hand, does the heavy lifting for them. And anyone who cares about getting closer to the truth should pay attention.
Here’s Taylor's graph depicting the number of PhD appointees since 1980 from both Cambridge (Harvard or MIT) and Chicago to the CEA (the president’s governing body of super-smart economists who guide economic policy making in this country):
![[chi-cam.jpg]](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgBjL-qGipH3LduSdo1kYwjc8turXd7QzrDzcrh5khy5PMckS5f22GJK0bOQt3DiPzThbsjSvTwtEgjfXopEpqZry3Kh7lgU0Gt4gcJZPxVqfi3TcjL-5TFX0ya_q0UqWCPGjIR6GVGYZRt/s1600/chi-cam.jpg)
Wow. It seems to me that the chart illustrates the complete opposite of Cassidy's claims. Remember, “in the areas of regulation, trade, anti-trust laws, taxes, interest rates, and welfare, Chicago thinking greatly influenced policymaking in the U.S. and many other parts of the world.” Who knew that you can have zero Chicago School economists in the CEA and still have a great influence shaping policy? The question then is, how do they do it?
The answer? They don’t. You see, John Cassidy and the editors of the New Yorker know that compelling stories are much better than the data, even if these stories are mostly made up.
Huh. Good points, though I have a few quibbles:
ReplyDeleteFirst, the "Chicago School" connoted a way of thinking affiliated with Milton Friedman and his free-market ilk. It didn't strictly mean to refer only to economists from Chicago. So, by the time Bush 43 rolled around, it's plausible that many young economics educated elsewhere -- yes, even possibly at MIT or Harvard -- had already imbibed the Chicago way as it became the economic orthodoxy. Besides, influence means more than a CEA seat (which doesn't strike me as as powerful as you suggest) -- Milton Friedman, for instance, was an unofficial adviser to Reagan, but no less powerful for it.
Second, your guy makes a number of interesting counter-arguments, but I still think it was a fun read (and the editors were right to assign it). Cassidy was tasked with answering the question: what has the financial crisis done to this way of thinking? You can disagree with his conclusion -- though I thought he gave Fama more than enough space to defend his argument -- but it's still an intriguing question, no?
Finally, Richard Posner may not be an economist, but he certainly helped spread some of the school's brand of economics in the law, particularly antitrust (which, as you know, is closely related to economics). I wouldn't completely discount him (and neither do many of the people quoted in the story).